Remarks of President Barack Obama – As Prepared for Delivery The State of the Union Wednesday, January 27, 2009 Washington, DC Madame Speaker, Vice President Biden, Members of Congress, distinguished guests, and fellow Americans: Our Constitution declares that from time to time, the President shall give to Congress information about the state of our union. For two hundred and twenty years, our leaders have fulfilled this duty. They have done so during periods of prosperity and tranquility. And they have done so in the midst of war and depression; at moments of great strife and great struggle. It’s tempting to look back on these moments and assume that our progress was inevitable – that America was always destined to succeed. But when the Union was turned back at Bull Run and the Allies first landed at Omaha Beach, victory was very much in doubt. When the market crashed on Black Tuesday and civil rights marchers were beaten on Bloody Sunday, the future was anything but certain. These were times that tested the courage of our convictions, and the strength of our union. And despite all our divisions and disagreements; our hesitations and our fears; America prevailed because we chose to move forward as one nation, and one people. Again, we are tested. And again, we must answer history’s call. One year ago, I took office amid two wars, an economy rocked by severe recession, a financial system on the verge of collapse, and a government deeply in debt. Experts from across the political spectrum warned that if we did not act, we might face a second depression. So we acted – immediately and aggressively. And one year later, the worst of the storm has passed. But the devastation remains. One in ten Americans still cannot find work. Many businesses have shuttered. Home values have declined. Small towns and rural communities have been hit especially hard. For those who had already known poverty, life has become that much harder. This recession has also compounded the burdens that America’s families have been dealing with for decades – the burden of working harder and longer for less; of being unable to save enough to retire or help kids with college. So I know the anxieties that are out there right now. They’re not new. These struggles are the reason I ran for President. These struggles are what I’ve witnessed for years in places like Elkhart, Indiana and Galesburg, Illinois. I hear about them in the letters that I read each night. The toughest to read are those written by children – asking why they have to move from their home, or when their mom or dad will be able to go back to work. For these Americans and so many others, change has not come fast enough. Some are frustrated; some are angry. They don’t understand why it seems like bad behavior on Wall Street is rewarded but hard work on Main Street isn’t; or why Washington has been unable or unwilling to solve any of our problems. They are tired of the partisanship and the shouting and the pettiness. They know we can’t afford it. Not now. So we face big and difficult challenges. And what the American people hope – what they deserve – is for all of us, Democrats and Republicans, to work through our differences; to overcome the numbing weight of our politics. For while the people who sent us here have different backgrounds, different stories and different beliefs, the anxieties they face are the same. The aspirations they hold are shared. A job that pays the bills. A chance to get ahead. Most of all, the ability to give their children a better life. You know what else they share? They share a stubborn resilience in the face of adversity. After one of the most difficult years in our history, they remain busy building cars and teaching kids; starting businesses and going back to school. They’re coaching little league and helping their neighbors. As one woman wrote me, “We are strained but hopeful, struggling but encouraged.” It is because of this spirit – this great decency and great strength – that I have never been more hopeful about America’s future than I am tonight. Despite our hardships, our union is strong. We do not give up. We do not quit. We do not allow fear or division to break our spirit. In this new decade, it’s time the American people get a government that matches their decency; that embodies their strength. And tonight, I’d like to talk about how together, we can deliver on that promise. It begins with our economy. Our most urgent task upon taking office was to shore up the same banks that helped cause this crisis. It was not easy to do. And if there’s one thing that has unified Democrats and Republicans, it’s that we all hated the bank bailout. I hated it. You hated it. It was about as popular as a root canal. But when I ran for President, I promised I wouldn’t just do what was popular – I would do what was necessary. And if we had allowed the meltdown of the financial system, unemployment might be double what it is today. More businesses would certainly have closed. More homes would have surely been lost. So I supported the last administration’s efforts to create the financial rescue program. And when we took the program over, we made it more transparent and accountable. As a result, the markets are now stabilized, and we have recovered most of the money we spent on the banks. To recover the rest, I have proposed a fee on the biggest banks. I know Wall Street isn’t keen on this idea, but if these firms can afford to hand out big bonuses again, they can afford a modest fee to pay back the taxpayers who rescued them in their time of need. As we stabilized the financial system, we also took steps to get our economy growing again, save as many jobs as possible, and help Americans who had become unemployed. That’s why we extended or increased unemployment benefits for more than 18 million Americans; made health insurance 65% cheaper for families who get their coverage through COBRA; and passed 25 different tax cuts. Let me repeat: we cut taxes. We cut taxes for 95% of working families. We cut taxes for small businesses. We cut taxes for first-time homebuyers. We cut taxes for parents trying to care for their children. We cut taxes for 8 million Americans paying for college. As a result, millions of Americans had more to spend on gas, and food, and other necessities, all of which helped businesses keep more workers. And we haven’t raised income taxes by a single dime on a single person. Not a single dime. Because of the steps we took, there are about two million Americans working right now who would otherwise be unemployed. 200,000 work in construction and clean energy. 300,000 are teachers and other education workers. Tens of thousands are cops, firefighters, correctional officers, and first responders. And we are on track to add another one and a half million jobs to this total by the end of the year. The plan that has made all of this possible, from the tax cuts to the jobs, is the Recovery Act. That’s right – the Recovery Act, also known as the Stimulus Bill. Economists on the left and the right say that this bill has helped saved jobs and avert disaster. But you don’t have to take their word for it. Talk to the small business in Phoenix that will triple its workforce because of the Recovery Act. Talk to the window manufacturer in Philadelphia who said he used to be skeptical about the Recovery Act, until he had to add two more work shifts just because of the business it created. Talk to the single teacher raising two kids who was told by her principal in the last week of school that because of the Recovery Act, she wouldn’t be laid off after all. There are stories like this all across America. And after two years of recession, the economy is growing again. Retirement funds have started to gain back some of their value. Businesses are beginning to invest again, and slowly some are starting to hire again. But I realize that for every success story, there are other stories, of men and women who wake up with the anguish of not knowing where their next paycheck will come from; who send out resumes week after week and hear nothing in response. That is why jobs must be our number one focus in 2010, and that is why I am calling for a new jobs bill tonight. Now, the true engine of job creation in this country will always be America’s businesses. But government can create the conditions necessary for businesses to expand and hire more workers. We should start where most new jobs do – in small businesses, companies that begin when an entrepreneur takes a chance on a dream, or a worker decides its time she became her own boss. Through sheer grit and determination, these companies have weathered the recession and are ready to grow. But when you talk to small business owners in places like Allentown, Pennsylvania or Elyria, Ohio, you find out that even though banks on Wall Street are lending again, they are mostly lending to bigger companies. But financing remains difficult for small business owners across the country. So tonight, I’m proposing that we take $30 billion of the money Wall Street banks have repaid and use it to help community banks give small businesses the credit they need to stay afloat. I am also proposing a new small business tax credit – one that will go to over one million small businesses who hire new workers or raise wages. While we’re at it, let’s also eliminate all capital gains taxes on small business investment; and provide a tax incentive for all businesses, large and small, to invest in new plants and equipment. Next, we can put Americans to work today building the infrastructure of tomorrow. From the first railroads to the interstate highway system, our nation has always been built to compete. There’s no reason Europe or China should have the fastest trains, or the new factories that manufacture clean energy products. Tomorrow, I’ll visit Tampa, Florida, where workers will soon break ground on a new high-speed railroad funded by the Recovery Act. There are projects like that all across this country that will create jobs and help our nation move goods, services, and information. We should put more Americans to work building clean energy facilities, and give rebates to Americans who make their homes more energy efficient, which supports clean energy jobs. And to encourage these and other businesses to stay within our borders, it’s time to finally slash the tax breaks for companies that ship our jobs overseas and give those tax breaks to companies that create jobs in the United States of America. The House has passed a jobs bill that includes some of these steps. As the first order of business this year, I urge the Senate to do the same. People are out of work. They are hurting. They need our help. And I want a jobs bill on my desk without delay. But the truth is, these steps still won’t make up for the seven million jobs we’ve lost over the last two years. The only way to move to full employment is to lay a new foundation for long-term economic growth, and finally address the problems that America’s families have confronted for years. We cannot afford another so-called economic “expansion” like the one from last decade – what some call the “lost decade” – where jobs grew more slowly than during any prior expansion; where the income of the average American household declined while the cost of health care and tuition reached record highs; where prosperity was built on a housing bubble and financial speculation. From the day I took office, I have been told that addressing our larger challenges is too ambitious – that such efforts would be too contentious, that our political system is too gridlocked, and that we should just put things on hold for awhile. For those who make these claims, I have one simple question: How long should we wait? How long should America put its future on hold? You see, Washington has been telling us to wait for decades, even as the problems have grown worse. Meanwhile, China’s not waiting to revamp its economy. Germany’s not waiting. India’s not waiting. These nations aren’t standing still. These nations aren’t playing for second place. They’re putting more emphasis on math and science. They’re rebuilding their infrastructure. They are making serious investments in clean energy because they want those jobs. Well I do not accept second-place for the United States of America. As hard as it may be, as uncomfortable and contentious as the debates may be, it’s time to get serious about fixing the problems that are hampering our growth. One place to start is serious financial reform. Look, I am not interested in punishing banks, I’m interested in protecting our economy. A strong, healthy financial market makes it possible for businesses to access credit and create new jobs. It channels the savings of families into investments that raise incomes. But that can only happen if we guard against the same recklessness that nearly brought down our entire economy. We need to make sure consumers and middle-class families have the information they need to make financial decisions. We can’t allow financial institutions, including those that take your deposits, to take risks that threaten the whole economy. The House has already passed financial reform with many of these changes. And the lobbyists are already trying to kill it. Well, we cannot let them win this fight. And if the bill that ends up on my desk does not meet the test of real reform, I will send it back. Next, we need to encourage American innovation. Last year, we made the largest investment in basic research funding in history – an investment that could lead to the world’s cheapest solar cells or treatment that kills cancer cells but leaves healthy ones untouched. And no area is more ripe for such innovation than energy. You can see the results of last year’s investment in clean energy – in the North Carolina company that will create 1200 jobs nationwide helping to make advanced batteries; or in the California business that will put 1,000 people to work making solar panels. But to create more of these clean energy jobs, we need more production, more efficiency, more incentives. That means building a new generation of safe, clean nuclear power plants in this country. It means making tough decisions about opening new offshore areas for oil and gas development. It means continued investment in advanced biofuels and clean coal technologies. And yes, it means passing a comprehensive energy and climate bill with incentives that will finally make clean energy the profitable kind of energy in America. I am grateful to the House for passing such a bill last year. This year, I am eager to help advance the bipartisan effort in the Senate. I know there have been questions about whether we can afford such changes in a tough economy; and I know that there are those who disagree with the overwhelming scientific evidence on climate change. But even if you doubt the evidence, providing incentives for energy efficiency and clean energy are the right thing to do for our future – because the nation that leads the clean energy economy will be the nation that leads the global economy. And America must be that nation. Third, we need to export more of our goods. Because the more products we make and sell to other countries, the more jobs we support right here in America. So tonight, we set a new goal: We will double our exports over the next five years, an increase that will support two million jobs in America. To help meet this goal, we’re launching a National Export Initiative that will help farmers and small businesses increase their exports, and reform export controls consistent with national security. We have to seek new markets aggressively, just as our competitors are. If America sits on the sidelines while other nations sign trade deals, we will lose the chance to create jobs on our shores. But realizing those benefits also means enforcing those agreements so our trading partners play by the rules. And that’s why we will continue to shape a Doha trade agreement that opens global markets, and why we will strengthen our trade relations in Asia and with key partners like South Korea, Panama, and Colombia. Fourth, we need to invest in the skills and education of our people. This year, we have broken through the stalemate between left and right by launching a national competition to improve our schools. The idea here is simple: instead of rewarding failure, we only reward success. Instead of funding the status quo, we only invest in reform – reform that raises student achievement, inspires students to excel in math and science, and turns around failing schools that steal the future of too many young Americans, from rural communities to inner-cities. In the 21st century, one of the best anti-poverty programs is a world-class education. In this country, the success of our children cannot depend more on where they live than their potential. When we renew the Elementary and Secondary Education Act, we will work with Congress to expand these reforms to all fifty states. Still, in this economy, a high school diploma no longer guarantees a good job. I urge the Senate to follow the House and pass a bill that will revitalize our community colleges, which are a career pathway to the children of so many working families. To make college more affordable, this bill will finally end the unwarranted taxpayer-subsidies that go to banks for student loans. Instead, let’s take that money and give families a $10,000 tax credit for four years of college and increase Pell Grants. And let’s tell another one million students that when they graduate, they will be required to pay only ten percent of their income on student loans, and all of their debt will be forgiven after twenty years – and forgiven after ten years if they choose a career in public service. Because in the United States of America, no one should go broke because they chose to go to college. And it’s time for colleges and universities to get serious about cutting their own costs – because they too have a responsibility to help solve this problem. Now, the price of college tuition is just one of the burdens facing the middle-class. That’s why last year I asked Vice President Biden to chair a task force on Middle-Class Families. That’s why we’re nearly doubling the child care tax credit, and making it easier to save for retirement by giving every worker access to a retirement account and expanding the tax credit for those who start a nest egg. That’s why we’re working to lift the value of a family’s single largest investment – their home. The steps we took last year to shore up the housing market have allowed millions of Americans to take out new loans and save an average of $1,500 on mortgage payments. This year, we will step up re-financing so that homeowners can move into more affordable mortgages. And it is precisely to relieve the burden on middle-class families that we still need health insurance reform. Now let’s be clear – I did not choose to tackle this issue to get some legislative victory under my belt. And by now it should be fairly obvious that I didn’t take on health care because it was good politics. I took on health care because of the stories I’ve heard from Americans with pre-existing conditions whose lives depend on getting coverage; patients who’ve been denied coverage; and families – even those with insurance – who are just one illness away from financial ruin. After nearly a century of trying, we are closer than ever to bringing more security to the lives of so many Americans. The approach we’ve taken would protect every American from the worst practices of the insurance industry. It would give small businesses and uninsured Americans a chance to choose an affordable health care plan in a competitive market. It would require every insurance plan to cover preventive care. And by the way, I want to acknowledge our First Lady, Michelle Obama, who this year is creating a national movement to tackle the epidemic of childhood obesity and make our kids healthier. Our approach would preserve the right of Americans who have insurance to keep their doctor and their plan. It would reduce costs and premiums for millions of families and businesses. And according to the Congressional Budget Office – the independent organization that both parties have cited as the official scorekeeper for Congress – our approach would bring down the deficit by as much as $1 trillion over the next two decades. Still, this is a complex issue, and the longer it was debated, the more skeptical people became. I take my share of the blame for not explaining it more clearly to the American people. And I know that with all the lobbying and horse-trading, this process left most Americans wondering what’s in it for them. But I also know this problem is not going away. By the time I’m finished speaking tonight, more Americans will have lost their health insurance. Millions will lose it this year. Our deficit will grow. Premiums will go up. Patients will be denied the care they need. Small business owners will continue to drop coverage altogether. I will not walk away from these Americans, and neither should the people in this chamber. As temperatures cool, I want everyone to take another look at the plan we’ve proposed. There’s a reason why many doctors, nurses, and health care experts who know our system best consider this approach a vast improvement over the status quo. But if anyone from either party has a better approach that will bring down premiums, bring down the deficit, cover the uninsured, strengthen Medicare for seniors, and stop insurance company abuses, let me know. Here’s what I ask of Congress, though: Do not walk away from reform. Not now. Not when we are so close. Let us find a way to come together and finish the job for the American people. Now, even as health care reform would reduce our deficit, it’s not enough to dig us out of a massive fiscal hole in which we find ourselves. It’s a challenge that makes all others that much harder to solve, and one that’s been subject to a lot of political posturing. So let me start the discussion of government spending by setting the record straight. At the beginning of the last decade, America had a budget surplus of over $200 billion. By the time I took office, we had a one year deficit of over $1 trillion and projected deficits of $8 trillion over the next decade. Most of this was the result of not paying for two wars, two tax cuts, and an expensive prescription drug program. On top of that, the effects of the recession put a $3 trillion hole in our budget. That was before I walked in the door. Now if we had taken office in ordinary times, I would have liked nothing more than to start bringing down the deficit. But we took office amid a crisis, and our efforts to prevent a second Depression have added another $1 trillion to our national debt. I am absolutely convinced that was the right thing to do. But families across the country are tightening their belts and making tough decisions. The federal government should do the same. So tonight, I’m proposing specific steps to pay for the $1 trillion that it took to rescue the economy last year. Starting in 2011, we are prepared to freeze government spending for three years. Spending related to our national security, Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security will not be affected. But all other discretionary government programs will. Like any cash-strapped family, we will work within a budget to invest in what we need and sacrifice what we don’t. And if I have to enforce this discipline by veto, I will. We will continue to go through the budget line by line to eliminate programs that we can’t afford and don’t work. We’ve already identified $20 billion in savings for next year. To help working families, we will extend our middle-class tax cuts. But at a time of record deficits, we will not continue tax cuts for oil companies, investment fund managers, and those making over $250,000 a year. We just can’t afford it. Now, even after paying for what we spent on my watch, we will still face the massive deficit we had when I took office. More importantly, the cost of Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security will continue to skyrocket. That’s why I’ve called for a bipartisan, Fiscal Commission, modeled on a proposal by Republican Judd Gregg and Democrat Kent Conrad. This can’t be one of those Washington gimmicks that lets us pretend we solved a problem. The Commission will have to provide a specific set of solutions by a certain deadline. Yesterday, the Senate blocked a bill that would have created this commission. So I will issue an executive order that will allow us to go forward, because I refuse to pass this problem on to another generation of Americans. And when the vote comes tomorrow, the Senate should restore the pay-as-you-go law that was a big reason why we had record surpluses in the 1990s. I know that some in my own party will argue that we cannot address the deficit or freeze government spending when so many are still hurting. I agree, which is why this freeze will not take effect until next year, when the economy is stronger. But understand – if we do not take meaningful steps to rein in our debt, it could damage our markets, increase the cost of borrowing, and jeopardize our recovery – all of which could have an even worse effect on our job growth and family incomes. From some on the right, I expect we’ll hear a different argument – that if we just make fewer investments in our people, extend tax cuts for wealthier Americans, eliminate more regulations, and maintain the status quo on health care, our deficits will go away. The problem is, that’s what we did for eight years. That’s what helped lead us into this crisis. It’s what helped lead to these deficits. And we cannot do it again. Rather than fight the same tired battles that have dominated Washington for decades, it’s time to try something new. Let’s invest in our people without leaving them a mountain of debt. Let’s meet our responsibility to the citizens who sent us here. Let’s try common sense. To do that, we have to recognize that we face more than a deficit of dollars right now. We face a deficit of trust – deep and corrosive doubts about how Washington works that have been growing for years. To close that credibility gap we must take action on both ends of Pennsylvania Avenue to end the outsized influence of lobbyists; to do our work openly; and to give our people the government they deserve. That’s what I came to Washington to do. That’s why – for the first time in history – my Administration posts our White House visitors online. And that’s why we’ve excluded lobbyists from policy-making jobs or seats on federal boards and commissions. But we can’t stop there. It’s time to require lobbyists to disclose each contact they make on behalf of a client with my Administration or Congress. And it’s time to put strict limits on the contributions that lobbyists give to candidates for federal office. Last week, the Supreme Court reversed a century of law to open the floodgates for special interests – including foreign corporations – to spend without limit in our elections. Well I don’t think American elections should be bankrolled by America’s most powerful interests, or worse, by foreign entities. They should be decided by the American people, and that’s why I’m urging Democrats and Republicans to pass a bill that helps to right this wrong. I’m also calling on Congress to continue down the path of earmark reform. You have trimmed some of this spending and embraced some meaningful change. But restoring the public trust demands more. For example, some members of Congress post some earmark requests online. Tonight, I’m calling on Congress to publish all earmark requests on a single website before there’s a vote so that the American people can see how their money is being spent. Of course, none of these reforms will even happen if we don’t also reform how we work with one another. Now, I am not naïve. I never thought the mere fact of my election would usher in peace, harmony, and some post-partisan era. I knew that both parties have fed divisions that are deeply entrenched. And on some issues, there are simply philosophical differences that will always cause us to part ways. These disagreements, about the role of government in our lives, about our national priorities and our national security, have been taking place for over two hundred years. They are the very essence of our democracy. But what frustrates the American people is a Washington where every day is Election Day. We cannot wage a perpetual campaign where the only goal is to see who can get the most embarrassing headlines about their opponent – a belief that if you lose, I win. Neither party should delay or obstruct every single bill just because they can. The confirmation of well-qualified public servants should not be held hostage to the pet projects or grudges of a few individual Senators. Washington may think that saying anything about the other side, no matter how false, is just part of the game. But it is precisely such politics that has stopped either party from helping the American people. Worse yet, it is sowing further division among our citizens and further distrust in our government. So no, I will not give up on changing the tone of our politics. I know it’s an election year. And after last week, it is clear that campaign fever has come even earlier than usual. But we still need to govern. To Democrats, I would remind you that we still have the largest majority in decades, and the people expect us to solve some problems, not run for the hills. And if the Republican leadership is going to insist that sixty votes in the Senate are required to do any business at all in this town, then the responsibility to govern is now yours as well. Just saying no to everything may be good short-term politics, but it’s not leadership. We were sent here to serve our citizens, not our ambitions. So let’s show the American people that we can do it together. This week, I’ll be addressing a meeting of the House Republicans. And I would like to begin monthly meetings with both the Democratic and Republican leadership. I know you can’t wait. Throughout our history, no issue has united this country more than our security. Sadly, some of the unity we felt after 9/11 has dissipated. We can argue all we want about who’s to blame for this, but I am not interested in re-litigating the past. I know that all of us love this country. All of us are committed to its defense. So let’s put aside the schoolyard taunts about who is tough. Let’s reject the false choice between protecting our people and upholding our values. Let’s leave behind the fear and division, and do what it takes to defend our nation and forge a more hopeful future – for America and the world. That is the work we began last year. Since the day I took office, we have renewed our focus on the terrorists who threaten our nation. We have made substantial investments in our homeland security and disrupted plots that threatened to take American lives. We are filling unacceptable gaps revealed by the failed Christmas attack, with better airline security, and swifter action on our intelligence. We have prohibited torture and strengthened partnerships from the Pacific to South Asia to the Arabian Peninsula. And in the last year, hundreds of Al Qaeda’s fighters and affiliates, including many senior leaders, have been captured or killed – far more than in 2008. In Afghanistan, we are increasing our troops and training Afghan Security Forces so they can begin to take the lead in July of 2011, and our troops can begin to come home. We will reward good governance, reduce corruption, and support the rights of all Afghans – men and women alike. We are joined by allies and partners who have increased their own commitment, and who will come together tomorrow in London to reaffirm our common purpose. There will be difficult days ahead. But I am confident we will succeed. As we take the fight to al Qaeda, we are responsibly leaving Iraq to its people. As a candidate, I promised that I would end this war, and that is what I am doing as President. We will have all of our combat troops out of Iraq by the end of this August. We will support the Iraqi government as they hold elections, and continue to partner with the Iraqi people to promote regional peace and prosperity. But make no mistake: this war is ending, and all of our troops are coming home. Tonight, all of our men and women in uniform — in Iraq, Afghanistan, and around the world – must know that they have our respect, our gratitude, and our full support. And just as they must have the resources they need in war, we all have a responsibility to support them when they come home. That is why we made the largest increase in investments for veterans in decades. That is why we are building a 21st century VA. And that is why Michelle has joined with Jill Biden to forge a national commitment to support military families. Even as we prosecute two wars, we are also confronting perhaps the greatest danger to the American people – the threat of nuclear weapons. I have embraced the vision of John F. Kennedy and Ronald Reagan through a strategy that reverses the spread of these weapons, and seeks a world without them. To reduce our stockpiles and launchers, while ensuring our deterrent, the United States and Russia are completing negotiations on the farthest-reaching arms control treaty in nearly two decades. And at April’s Nuclear Security Summit, we will bring forty-four nations together behind a clear goal: securing all vulnerable nuclear materials around the world in four years, so that they never fall into the hands of terrorists. These diplomatic efforts have also strengthened our hand in dealing with those nations that insist on violating international agreements in pursuit of these weapons. That is why North Korea now faces increased isolation, and stronger sanctions – sanctions that are being vigorously enforced. That is why the international community is more united, and the Islamic Republic of Iran is more isolated. And as Iran’s leaders continue to ignore their obligations, there should be no doubt: they, too, will face growing consequences. That is the leadership that we are providing – engagement that advances the common security and prosperity of all people. We are working through the G-20 to sustain a lasting global recovery. We are working with Muslim communities around the world to promote science, education and innovation. We have gone from a bystander to a leader in the fight against climate change. We are helping developing countries to feed themselves, and continuing the fight against HIV/AIDS. And we are launching a new initiative that will give us the capacity to respond faster and more effectively to bio-terrorism or an infectious disease – a plan that will counter threats at home, and strengthen public health abroad. As we have for over sixty years, America takes these actions because our destiny is connected to those beyond our shores. But we also do it because it is right. That is why, as we meet here tonight, over 10,000 Americans are working with many nations to help the people of Haiti recover and rebuild. That is why we stand with the girl who yearns to go to school in Afghanistan; we support the human rights of the women marching through the streets of Iran; and we advocate for the young man denied a job by corruption in Guinea. For America must always stand on the side of freedom and human dignity. Abroad, America’s greatest source of strength has always been our ideals. The same is true at home. We find unity in our incredible diversity, drawing on the promise enshrined in our Constitution: the notion that we are all created equal, that no matter who you are or what you look like, if you abide by the law you should be protected by it; that if you adhere to our common values you should be treated no different than anyone else. We must continually renew this promise. My Administration has a Civil Rights Division that is once again prosecuting civil rights violations and employment discrimination. We finally strengthened our laws to protect against crimes driven by hate. This year, I will work with Congress and our military to finally repeal the law that denies gay Americans the right to serve the country they love because of who they are. We are going to crack down on violations of equal pay laws – so that women get equal pay for an equal day’s work. And we should continue the work of fixing our broken immigration system – to secure our borders, enforce our laws, and ensure that everyone who plays by the rules can contribute to our economy and enrich our nations. In the end, it is our ideals, our values, that built America – values that allowed us to forge a nation made up of immigrants from every corner of the globe; values that drive our citizens still. Every day, Americans meet their responsibilities to their families and their employers. Time and again, they lend a hand to their neighbors and give back to their country. They take pride in their labor, and are generous in spirit. These aren’t Republican values or Democratic values they’re living by; business values or labor values. They are American values. Unfortunately, too many of our citizens have lost faith that our biggest institutions – our corporations, our media, and yes, our government – still reflect these same values. Each of these institutions are full of honorable men and women doing important work that helps our country prosper. But each time a CEO rewards himself for failure, or a banker puts the rest of us at risk for his own selfish gain, people’s doubts grow. Each time lobbyists game the system or politicians tear each other down instead of lifting this country up, we lose faith. The more that TV pundits reduce serious debates into silly arguments, and big issues into sound bites, our citizens turn away. No wonder there’s so much cynicism out there. No wonder there’s so much disappointment. I campaigned on the promise of change – change we can believe in, the slogan went. And right now, I know there are many Americans who aren’t sure if they still believe we can change – or at least, that I can deliver it. But remember this – I never suggested that change would be easy, or that I can do it alone. Democracy in a nation of three hundred million people can be noisy and messy and complicated. And when you try to do big things and make big changes, it stirs passions and controversy. That’s just how it is. Those of us in public office can respond to this reality by playing it safe and avoid telling hard truths. We can do what’s necessary to keep our poll numbers high, and get through the next election instead of doing what’s best for the next generation. But I also know this: if people had made that decision fifty years ago or one hundred years ago or two hundred years ago, we wouldn’t be here tonight. The only reason we are is because generations of Americans were unafraid to do what was hard; to do what was needed even when success was uncertain; to do what it took to keep the dream of this nation alive for their children and grandchildren. Our administration has had some political setbacks this year, and some of them were deserved. But I wake up every day knowing that they are nothing compared to the setbacks that families all across this country have faced this year. And what keeps me going – what keeps me fighting – is that despite all these setbacks, that spirit of determination and optimism – that fundamental decency that has always been at the core of the American people – lives on. It lives on in the struggling small business owner who wrote to me of his company, “None of us,” he said, “…are willing to consider, even slightly, that we might fail.” It lives on in the woman who said that even though she and her neighbors have felt the pain of recession, “We are strong. We are resilient. We are American.” It lives on in the 8-year old boy in Louisiana, who just sent me his allowance and asked if I would give it to the people of Haiti. And it lives on in all the Americans who’ve dropped everything to go some place they’ve never been and pull people they’ve never known from rubble, prompting chants of “U.S.A.! U.S.A.! U.S.A!” when another life was saved. The spirit that has sustained this nation for more than two centuries lives on in you, its people. We have finished a difficult year. We have come through a difficult decade. But a new year has come. A new decade stretches before us. We don’t quit. I don’t quit. Let’s seize this moment – to start anew, to carry the dream forward, and to strengthen our union once more. Thank you. God Bless You. And God Bless the United States of America.

싱긋. 어제 들려주신 분들의 발자취를 따라 쫓아다니다가 발견한!

많이 쓴다는 영어한마디-들이랍니다.

 직업병(- _-)은 아니지만 왠지 더 '리얼'하게 고치고 싶었다고 할까요?

 쿡쿡. 우리 함께 "리얼" 영어한마디-들을 배워봅시다

꼭 문법에 맞는 말들은 좀처럼 쓰지 않는걸 아시잖아요 :)

실생활에 쓰는 말투로~~~ SERIOUSLY~~

(실제로, 다년간의 외국생활중,  다른분들께 도움이 될수 있을만한, 첫- 포스팅이군요;)

리얼한 만큼 조금은 거칠수도 있습니다 (큭)

아, 혹시나 해서 그러는건데 - 원래 출처는 " 바람난무적이"

(글씨체 안 보이신다고 하셔서, 영어폰트는 verdana로 바꿨습니다. )

1. 당근이지 You bet./ Absolutely.

     리얼버전-> Of Course! I betcha!
2. 너나 잘 해 None of your business.

     리얼버전-> seriously, mind your own business! /see where you stick your noses into
3. 뒷북치지마 Thanks for the history lesson.

     리얼버전-> that's totally a history / duh~
4. 어제 필름이 끊겼어 I got blacked out yesterday.

     리얼버전-> I was trashed, man
5. 그 사람 그거 참 잘~ 됐다(그게당연하다). 쌤통이다 He deserves it.

     리얼버전-> totally deserved it / hey he asked for it!
6. 그래 니 팔뚝 (또는 니 X) 굵다 Okay, You are the boss!

     리얼버전-> yeah, you rock
7. 죽을만큼 마셔보자 Let's go all the way!

     리얼버전-> let's get trashed!
8. 니가 나한테 어떻게 그럴 수 있니? How could you do that to me?

     리얼버전-> bitch, (what a bitch~)
9. 놀구 있네~~ 삽질 하네~~ Yeah. Right~

     리얼버전-> looser / duh-head!
10. 거기 물 좋다 That place rocks! That place kicks!

     리얼버전-> that place is awesome!

11. (문제의 답 등이) 너무쉽네/애개개 그게다야? That's it? /Is that all?

     리얼버전-> it was a breeze, it wasn't a problem
12. 너도 내 입장이 되어봐 Put yourself in my shoes.

     리얼버전-> (위의것도훌륭함) try to think of it from my perspective,
13. 음식 잘 먹었습니다. I've never eaten better.

     리얼버전-> thanks for the great meal
14. 야, 친구 좋다는 게 뭐야? Come on, what are friends for?

     리얼버전-> we are buddies, aren't we?
15. 너무 감격해서 눈물이 난다 .It was so touching, I almost cried.

     리얼버전-> that was unbelievable, seriously I was about to cry

16. 미안해 할 것까지는 없어. There's nothing to be sorry about.

     리얼버전-> don't worry about it
17. 이보다 더 좋을 순 없다 It couldn't be better than this!

     리얼버전-> it deosn't get better than this,
18. 메롱 Neh Neh Neh Boo Boo

     리얼버전-> duh, looser,
19. 섭섭(실망)하지않게해드리겠습니다! You won't be disappointed!

     리얼버전-> I'll do best not to disappoint you
20. 나를 만만하게 보지마 Don't you think I am that easy. (you에 강세)

     리얼버전-> you'll regret this day, and I'll make sure of it

 

21. 니가 하는 일이 다 그렇지 뭐 That's what you always do.

     리얼버전-> yeah, I didn't expect much of you anyway
22. 분위기 파악 좀 해라, 인간아 Consider your surroundings, you fool.

     리얼버전-> hey, look around before you say anything stupid,
23. 두고보자. Just wait! I'll get (또는 pay) you back.

     리얼버전-> next time, watch your back, I'm gonna get you
24. 이번 한 번만 봐준다 I'm gonna let it slide only this time.

     리얼버전-> I'm cutting your slack for the last time
25. 쟤는 어디가도 굶어죽진 않겠다. He will never starve anywhere.

     리얼버전-> He won't starve anywhere,
26. 너무많은걸 알려고하면 다쳐 You'll get hurt if you try to know too much.

     리얼버전-> what you know might get you, stick your nose out of it
27. 제발 잘난 척 좀 그만해 Stop acting like you're all that.

     리얼버전-> stop bragging about it
28. 장난이 좀 심하군 The joke is too harsh.

     리얼버전-> that's not funny at all
29. 말장난 그만 합시다. Let's stop playing word games

     리얼버전-> enough with the playing with words
30. 내가 만만하게 보여? Do I look like I am easy?

     리얼버전-> do I look that easy to you?

31. 몸이 찌뿌둥하다 I feel heavy

     리얼버전-> I feel exhausted / totally tired
32. 오해 하지 마세요 Don't get me wrong.

     리얼버전-> (don't get me wrong -is fine)

33. 기가막혀 말이 안나오네. It's so outrageous I can't say a word

     리얼버전-> I'm absolutely out of my words
34. 니 맘대로 하세요 Suit yourself.

     리얼버전-> whatever,
35. 아직 옛날 실력 안 죽었어 I've still got it. (it은 옛날 실력을 의미)

     리얼버전-> I haven't lost the game yet
36. 넌 이제 죽었어 You are dead meat!

     리얼버전-> you are totally finished
37. 너 들으라고 한 소리 아냐 Don't take it personally.

     리얼버전-> no offense,
38. 까꿍! Peekaboo! (삐까부; "삐"자에 강세: 아기들 얼를 때나 놀라게 할 때))

     리얼버전-> "헉-"-_- 10년 살면서 한번또 써보지 않은 말-_-
39. 알랑거리지마 Don't try to butter me up.

     리얼버전-> stop sucking up to me

40. 배째 Sue me!

     리얼버전-> kill me,

41. 그게 어딘데? That's better than nothing

     리얼버전-> at least we've got something
42. 머리뚜껑이 열렸다. My head is about to open

     리얼버전-> I'm steaming now
43. 그녀는 이중 성격을 가졌어 She has a multi-personality (또는 split personality)

     리얼버전-> she's totally two-faced
44. (나에게) 너무 심한 것 아니예요? Don't you think you are too harsh?

     리얼버전-> aren't you little cruel to me here?
45. 그렇게까지 할 필요는 없어. You don't have to do all that

     리얼버전-> no need for all that
47. 나도 맘이 편하지는 않아. I don't feel well(good) about it, either.

     리얼버전-> I don't feel right, either
48. 그다지 썩 내키지는 않는데.I don't feel like doing it

     리얼버전-> I'm little hesitant here
49. 생각보다 '별로'인데... It's not as good as I thought (expected)

     리얼버전-> little 'off' from what I had on my mind
50. 몸살에 걸려 온몸이 쑤신다. My whole body aches.

     리얼버전-> my entire body is falling apart

51. 그 사람 똥배가 나왔어. He has a big belly.

     리얼버전-> has a belly size of Texas
52. 저 사람은 인간이 왜 저래? What's wrong with him?

     리얼버전-> what' the heck is wrong with that guy?
53. 바늘로 꼭꼭 찌르는 것 같다. It feels like a needle poking me

     리얼버전-> it feels like a needle sticking up my ass
54. 걔 원래 그런 애야 He's usually like that.

     리얼버전-> that's his usual (don't even bother)
55. 너 삐졌니? Are you mad at me? Are you pissed off?

     리얼버전-> are you pissed at me?
56. 이 싸가지 없는 녀석아 You have no respect.

     리얼버전-> respect, man. respect!
57. 그는 밥만 축낸다 You are not worth feeding.

     리얼버전-> all you do is eat
58. 그는 성격이 털털하고 시원시원하다. He has an easy-going and cool attitude.

     리얼버전-> He's totally cool
59. 있는 척 좀 하지 마. Don't act like you are rich.

     리얼버전-> stop bragging!
60. 저 애는 내가 찍었어. That boy is mine. He is on my list.

     리얼버전-> I have itch on him/I have crush on him

61. 내 입장이 정말 난처해. My position is very uncomfortable.

     리얼버전-> I'm at odd situation
62. 그녀는 마음을 잘 주지 않고 튕겨. She's playing hard to get

     리얼버전-> She's playing the chase
63. 그는 뒤로 호박씨 깐다. He does something in people's back

     리얼버전-> talks behind their back, back-talker
64. 야~~. 신난다... Yeah! This is fun!

     리얼버전-> this is totally cool~
65. 놔둬 그냥 그러다가 말겠지 뭐 Leave him alone. He'll stop it eventually.

     리얼버전-> He will get over it
66. 이 숙제 정말 짜증난다 This homework is very tedious

     리얼버전-> this homework is frustrating, or "screw the god-damn thing!"
67. 너무 오바 하지마 Don't go too far.

     리얼버전-> you're overplaying it
68. 그냥 그렇다고 해, 뭘 자꾸 따져? Just say it, don't argue

     리얼버전-> don't mess with me
69.넌 왜 맨 날 그 모양이니? Why are you always like that?

     리얼버전-> what the hell is wrong with you all the time?
70.뭐 이런 놈이 다 있어~! What kind of person is this!

     리얼버전-> what the fxxk!

71.저 사람 변태 아니야? Isn't he a pervert?

     리얼버전-> is he lunatic?
72.애들은 싸우면서 크는 거야 Kids grow up fighting all the time.

     리얼버전-> kids fight.
73.어휴~ 난 이제 죽었다 Man.. I'm dead now.

     리얼버전-> I'm totally screwed!
74.옷이 촌스럽다 Those clothes are out of style.

     리얼버전-> seriously, that's sooooo gone! sooooo outdated!
75.기본부터 돼 먹지 않았다. It was wrong from the beginning

     리얼버전-> it wasn't right from get-go
76.누구 맘대로? With whose permission?

     리얼버전-> who said youhave the rights?
77.아! 사는 게 왜 이럴까. Why is my life like this?

     리얼버전-> life sucks
78.그 여자는 너무 코가 높아 (콧대가 세다/도도하다). She's too snobby.

     리얼버전-> such a snob
79.내 일은 내가 알아서 다 할거야. I'll take care of my business.

     리얼버전-> I can take care of MY business
80.뭐 찔리는 거라도 있는 거야? Are you hiding something?

     리얼버전-> spit it out

81.내 방은 지저분해서 발 디딜 틈이 없어 My room is so messy, there is no place to step.

     리얼버전-> my room is trashed, you probably can't even find a seat
82.넌 꼭 그런 말만 골라 하는군. You always choose that type of words

     리얼버전-> you've got some attitude
83.찍어둔 사람 있습니까? Do you have someone in mind? (anyone: 있는지 없는지 모를 때)

     리얼버전-> Someone on your mind?
84.너 시치미 떼지마. Don't you try to lie. (you 에 강세)

     리얼버전-> stop screwing around, tell the truth nothing but the truth
85.그는 자신감으로 똘똘 뭉쳤다 He is full of self-confidence

     리얼버전-> self-obnoxious
86.좋은 사람 있으면 소개 시켜 줘. Hook me up if there's a good person.

     리얼버전-> hook me up someone nice,
87.누가 니 성격을 받아주겠니. Who would put up with your attitude?

     리얼버전-> who would put up with your self-obnoxious behavior?
88.결코 고의가 아니었다. I didn't mean to do that. / It's not what I mean.

     리얼버전-> I totally didn't mean that to happen
89.넌 배신자다. You are a traitor!

     리얼버전-> traitor, such a cheater
90.다 티 난다. Everything shows./ It's too obvious. / You can't hide it.

     리얼버전-> it's so obvious

91.과연 얼마나 버틸 수 있을까? How long could it last?

     리얼버전-> how long will it stay around?
92.그래서?내가 어떻게 하길 바라니? So? What do you want me to do?

     리얼버전-> tell me what you want me to do
93.이젠 돌이킬 수가 없다. (소용없다) You can't turn it back now.

     리얼버전-> can't turn back the hands of time
94.사랑이 식었구나 The love has died.

     리얼버전-> totally outta love
95.우리 사이가 애매하다.. I don't know what kind of relationship we have

     리얼버전-> I don't know have the word for our relationship
96.내 말 안 듣더니, 그래 꼴 좋다 You didn't listen to me, now look at you!

     리얼버전-> hahaha, I told you so
97.그렇게 함부로 말하면 안 돼 You're not supposed to talk like that

     리얼버전-> think before you say something like that
98.전 간지럼을 잘 타요 I am ticklish.

     리얼버전-> -_- 달리 저 말은 찾을 수 없을듯
99.마음이 붕 떠 있어서 일이 손에 안 잡혀. I'm so excited, I can't work.

     리얼버전-> I can't get my hands on anything!
100.어휴! 넌 아무도 못 말린다니까~~~! Ah, nobody can stop you.

     리얼버전-> go ahead, as if anyone can stop you now

101.내 모든 걸 걸었어 I put everything into it

     리얼버전-> I'm all in
102.너에겐 내가 있잖아 But you've got me.

     리얼버전-> -_-;
103.원샷! Bottoms up!

     리얼버전-> flush it
104.왜 너 찔리니? Why? You feel guilty?

     리얼버전-> guilty of something?
105.그녀에게 뿅갔어 I got a crush on her!

     리얼버전-> I have such a cruch on her
106.쪽 팔리는 줄 좀 알아라 Shame on you!

     리얼버전-> dude, get your act together
107.그래도 그만하길 다행이다 It could've been worse than that.

     리얼버전-> could've been worse, might have got worse
108.그는 골칫 덩어리야 He's a pain in the neck (속어로는 neck 대신 ass).

     리얼버전-> pain in the butt
109.그걸 꼭 말로 해야되니? Do I have to make it explicit?

     리얼버전-> do I need to spell out for you?
110.난 타고난 체질이야 I was born for this.

     리얼버전-> born to be-is my middle name

111.아까워라! What a waste!

     리얼버전-> shit
112.너 제정신이니? Are you out of your mind?

     리얼버전-> have you lost your mind!
113.너 뭔가 믿는 구석이 있구나. You've got somebody behind you, huh?

     리얼버전-> I see you have connections
114.이거 장난이 아닌데! Man, this isn't a joke!

     리얼버전-> it's not a joke anymore

 

YEN LOAN이 아님. Enron 다른 것 찾다가 발견한 글 일부 감정적 표현이 거슬리긴 하지만 재미있게 읽음 ーーーーーーーーーーーーーーーーーー 엔론 사태 엔론(Enron)은 미국의 7대 기업에 속하는 에너지 회사였다. 이 회사가 수백 억 달러의 빚을 안고 파산한 것이다. 미국 역사상 최대 파산 규모라는 점에서 충격이 크다. 더구나 엔론의 파산 내역이 일반 회사의 파산과 성격이 달라 파장은 더욱 커지고 있다. 미국 7대 기업에서 급격한 추락 지난해 「포춘」이 엔론사를 미국 7대 기업으로 선정했을 때 엔론이 쓰러지리라고는 생각지 못했다. 불과 15년 사이에 1,700% 초고속 성장을 기록한 회사였다. 그러나 엔론사 중역들은 엔론이 병들어 가고 있음을 알고 있었고, 회사를 우려하는 메모가 오간 것으로 나타났다. 지난해 엔론사 부회장 벡스터는 자신이 소유한 주식 3,000만 달러 어치를 처분하고 회사의 위기를 경고한 후 떠났다. 사건이 불거지자 그는 자살했다. 원인은 아직 미궁 속에 있지만 그의 자살은 엔론 내막 속에 도사리고 있는 사건의 폭발성을 예고하고 있다. 미국 경제 평론가들은 엔론이 출발 때부터 쓰러질 수 있는 비극의 씨앗을 갖고 있었다고 한다. 엔론이 미국의 손꼽히는 에너지 회사이지만 일반 에너지 회사와 다른 점이 있다. 에너지를 생산하지 않고, 시설도 소유하지 않고, 에너지를 거래하지도 않는 공중에 뜬 회사라는 점이다. 이런 회사가 어떻게 미국의 7대 기업이 되었느냐가 엔론의 수수께끼이다. 엔론은 에너지를 종이 위 숫자로 만들어 선물시장에 내 놓는 마법을 썼다. 여기에 미국 최고 회계법인 회사 아서 앤더슨의 도움으로 분식 회계의 요술 방망이를 두들겼다. 숫자만으로 에너지를 사고팔기 때문에 조작이 가능했고 전문가의 눈을 속일 수 있을 만큼 회계 방법이 교묘하고 복잡해진 것이다. 엔론의 사업 수완은 여기에 그치지 않았다. 정가에 막대한 정치 헌금을 던짐으로 무언의 원군을 만들었다. 저명한 학자, 칼럼니스트, 경제 전문가를 컨설턴트로 기용해 1년에 몇 만 달러를 지급했다. 보수계 이론가인 빌 크리스톨과 진보계 경제 이론가이자 뉴욕타임스 칼럼니스트인 폴 크루그만을 포용할 만큼 엔론의 로비는 좌우 양 날개를 모두 망라했다. 정치인들도 공화, 민주당을 가릴 것 없이 영향력있는 정치인들에게 빠짐없이 기부금을 보냈다. 지난 13년 간 엔론사가 정당과 정치인에게 기부한 금액이 총 6백만 달러에 달하는 것으로 집계되고 있다. 이 정치 헌금은 공화당 74%, 민주당 26%로 분할되어 있어 공화당이 훨씬 더 큰 수혜자이다. 정·부통령과 막역한 관계 특히 부시 대통령과 체니 부통령은 이번 사건 후 사임한 엔론사의 케네스 레이 회장과 막역한 사이다. 엔론의 본사가 텍사스에 있다는 것도 부시 집안과 엔론을 더욱 가깝게 만들었다. 지금까지 부시 대통령이 엔론사로부터 받은 정치 자금은 60만 달러에 달해 그 밀착성을 잘 말해 주고 있다. 체니 부통령은 부시 대통령보다 더욱 가까워 지난해 엔론의 레이 회장을 비롯해 간부들과 10차례 만난 것으로 알려졌다. 이로 인해 체니 부통령이 에너지 정책을 수립하는 과정에서 엔론사가 영향을 미쳤느냐에 초점이 모아지고 있다. 현재 의회는 체니 부통령에게 에너지 정책을 상의한 사람들의 명단을 밝힐 것을 요구하고 있다. 체니는 이를 완강하게 거부하고 있어 정치적 불씨를 만들고 있다. 대통령과 부통령은 물론, 보좌관과 장관 등 백악관은 엔론과 가까운 사람들이 대거 포진하고 있다. 이렇게 부시 행정부와 엔론사가 깊은 밀착 관계를 가지고 있어 부시 행정부에 대한 의심의 눈초리가 날카로워지고 있다. 아직까지 부시 행정부는 아무런 혐의를 받지 않고 있다. 의심의 눈초리를 받기는 의회도 마찬가지다. 250명에 가까운 의원들이 엔론사의 정치 자금을 받았기 때문에 과연 공정한 조사를 할 수 있느냐 하는 것이 여론의 화살이다. 에너지위원회 위원장 필 그램 상원의원은 9만 달러가 넘는 정치 자금을 받아 위원장 자리를 내놓아야 한다는 주장이 나오고 있다. 그러나 현재까지 정치계나 언론계에서 구체적인 혐의를 받은 사람은 아무도 없다. 뉴욕타임스의 저명한 칼럼니스트 윌리엄 사파이어는 이번 엔론 게이트를 전문인들의 스캔들로 보고 있다. 정치적인 스캔들이 아니라 기업과 회계 분야의 화이트 컬러 범죄라는 것이다. 그러나 이러한 주장은 아직 확신을 얻지 못하고 있다. 실타래가 풀려 갈수록 전문인들이 정치인들을 어떻게 이용했는지 밝혀질 것이기 때문이다. 조사의 초점은 엔론사와 앤더슨 회계 회사가 어떤 방법으로 허위 기록을 만들었느냐와 엔론사의 정계 로비가 에너지 정책에 어떤 영향을 미쳤느냐에 있다. 체니 부통령이 누구에게 에너지 정책 자문을 얻었느냐도 이것과 같은 맥락이다. 엔론에 투자한 미 국민 분노 그러나 엔론사 스캔들과 한국의 각종 부정 사건과는 근본적으로 차이가 있다. 한국의 각종 부정 사건은 검은 돈이 뒤에서 오갔지만 미국 엔론 게이트는 합법적인 정치 헌금이 오갔다는 점이다. 부시 대통령이 60만 달러를 받은 것도 부정한 돈이 아니라 합법적인 정치 헌금이다. 다만 이런 정치 헌금을 받았으면 그에 대한 대가를 합법적인 방법으로 지급하지 않았겠느냐는 추측이다. 미국 선거법에서 하드 머니(hard money)라고 부르는 정치 헌금은 개인에게 주는 돈으로 1,000달러 이상 헌금하지 못하도록 돼 있다. 소프트 머니(soft money)라고 부르는 정치 헌금은 정당에 돈을 주는 것으로 제한하지 않고 있다. 이 소프트 머니가 정치와 기업을 유착시키기 때문에 이것을 개정해야 한다고 맥케인 상원의원 등이 주장하고 있다. 엔론 게이트는 은퇴 연금을 자기 회사 주식으로 투자했던 수만 명의 엔론사 직원들과 일류 기업이라는 바람몰이에 홀려서 주식 투자했던 일반 시민들의 분노가 들끓고 있다. 80달러에 달하던 주식이 40센트로 곤두박질하고 주식은 휴지 조각이 되어 버렸다. 엔론 파장은 미국인들의 신뢰를 뿌리째 흔드는 비극적 파산이다. 기업과 정치에 대한 신뢰를 앗아간 것이 엔론사 파산의 가장 큰 손실이 될 것이다. 엔론사 파산이 미국 정계와 재계에 회오리를 일으키고 있는데 정계나 언론계는 놀라울 만큼 조용한 분위기로 사건을 다루고 있다. 그러면서도 집요하게 하나씩 사건 내막을 들춰 가고 있다. 답답할 정도로 느린 조사를 하고 있지만 사건을 은폐하거나 축소시켜 용두사미로 끝낼 가능성이 없다는 것이 미국의 정치 풍토이다. 시간이 갈수록 사건 내막이 하나 하나 밝혀질 것이다. 초점은 전문가들의 경제 범죄인지 아니면 경제와 정치와의 결탁인지에 있다. 그리고 에너지를 서류 상으로 사고 팔았던 종이 호랑이 기업 엔론사가 어떤 방법으로 수백 억 달러를 공중 분해시켰느냐에 관심이 모아지고 있다. 월드컴 사태 통신 황제를 몰락시킨 CFO의 배신 미국의 통신 제국 월드컴 (MCI 로 개명) 의 회장 겸 CEO 였던 버나드 에버스를 몰락시킨 것은 검찰이 아니라 그의 심복 이었다.검찰은 버나드의 회계부정을 2년 가까이 파헤쳤지만 결정적인 단서를 잡지 못했었다. 그러다가 버나드가 가장 아꼈던 스코트 설리반 전 CFO (최고재무책임자) 의 자백을 받아냄으로써 버나드를 기소할 수 있었다. 통신 제국의황제가 어떻게 회계 부정을 꾸미고 왜 가장 아꼈던 심복으로부터 등에 칼을 맞아 고꾸라지는 가를 보면 미국 재계의 한 단면이 드러난다. -미국 역사상 가장 큰 회계 부정 사건 가입자만 2천만명, 직원만 해도 무려 5만4천명에 달했던 월드컴은 IT 거품이 꺼지기 시작했던 2000년 9월 실적이 나빠지자 투자자들을 속이기로 공모한다. 공모의 주역이 바로 당시회장이었던 버나드와 CFO 였던 설리반이었다. 이들은 우선 네트워크 사용댓가로 지불하는 라인 코스트라는 비용을 발생한 당해 비용으로 잡지 않고 이연시키는 수법을 동원한다. 재무구조를 위장하기 위한 기교 였다. 버나드는 비용을 줄이는데 그치지 않고 수익도 인위적으로 부풀렸다.이들은 ‘Close-the-Gap’이라는 절차를 활용, 2001년 3분기 수익증가율을 실제 6%의 배인 12%로 부풀려 놓았다. 이런 수법들을 통해 미국 회계 스캔들 사상 규모가 가장 큰 1백10억달러의 회계부정을 저지른 것이다. -나는 결백하다 사상 최대의 회계부정을 파헤치기 위한 검찰의 수사가 시작된 것은 2002년 6월 25일 . 버나드는 그 때 부터 줄 곧 혐의를 부정해왔다. 자신은 아무런 잘못이 없다고 잡아뗐다.회계 장부 덫칠이 워낙 정교한데다 회계 처리라는게 보는 관점에서 따라 해석이 달라질 소지가 있는 만큼 검찰은 결정적인 단서를 잡지 못하고 쩔쩔 맸다. 검찰이 궁지에 몰린 것은 버나드의 위장 수법이 워낙 치말했기 때문이다. 버나드는 회계 혐의에 자신이 결부돼 있다는 것을 드러낼 만한 어떤 서류도 남기지 않았다. 버나드는 E 메일 대화가 폭로되면서 거대 부정이 들통나는 것을 미리 알아 채기라도 한듯 E 메일을 이용하지 않았다.웬만한 지시는 비서를 시켰다. 한 발 더 나아가 회사 정책에 관한 대화 조차도 서류로 남기지 못하도록 단도리를 쳤다. -무에서 유를 창조한 CEO의 치밀함 철저한 위장이었다. 무에서 유를 창조한 성공 신화의 주역 답게 주도 면밀했다. 그는 고등학교 농구팀 코치였었다.그러다가 미시시피주의 몇 몇 모텔에 장거리 전화 서비스를 제공하면서 통신업종에 뛰어들었다. 당시 서비스 규모는 보잘 것 없었지만 관련 기업 인수를 거듭하는 수완을 발휘해 오늘날의 통신 제국을 세우는데 성공했다. 그는 회사 돈을 쌈지돈 처럼 썼다. 버나드는 자신의 회사에서 무려 4억달러 (4천8백억원) 를 빌렸다. 그 돈까지 포함해 개인적으로 끌어다 쓴 빚이 13억달러를 넘는다. 회계부정이 적발되기 직전 그같은 파렴치한 행위가 드러나 CEO에서 柰?났다. 버나드에 대한 검찰의 기소가 법정에서 사실로 확인되면 그는 양의 탈을 쓴 이리라는 비난을 벗어나지 못할 것이다. 그는 독실한 기독교 신자다. 회사에서 이사회를 주재할때도 기도부터 하고 시작했을 정도다. CEO에서 柰屛?후에도 교회에서 애들을 가르쳐 왔다. -심복의 칼에 맞다 버나드가 브루투스로 변한 설리반을 만난 것은 통신 제국의 꿈을 키워가던 1992년 이었다. 당시 설리반은 플로리다주의 작은 전화에서 일하고 있었다.버나드가 그 회사를 인수하면서 설리반의 재무능력에 주목, 오른 팔로 삼은 것이다. 설리반은 월드컴의 눈부신 성장과 함께 90년대 가장 주목받은 CFO로서 우뚝 섰다. 버나드와 함께 검찰의 수사를 받고 있던 설리반은 무죄를 입증하기 위한 온갖 노력을 기울이고 있었다. 검찰의 수사가 시작된 후 18개월 동안 쓴 변호사 비용만 해도 무려 1천4백만달러 (1백68억원) 에 달했을 정도다. 그럼에도 불구하고 자신의 목을 조여오는 검찰의 칼날을 쉽게 벗어나기 어려웠다.혐의대로 기소될 경우 1백65년 형을 살아야 할 판이었다. 42살의 젊은 설리반의 눈에 딸이 아른거렸다. 갓난쟁이 딸이 재롱떠는 것을 제대로 보기 어려울 것이라는 회환이 몰려왔다. 당뇨병으로 고생하는 아내 생각도 머리를 무겁게 만들었다. 당뇨병이 심해진 아내는 가끔 혼수 상태에 빠지기도 했다. 가족 생각이 검찰의 추궁을 더 이상 견디기 어렵게 만들었다. 결국 변호사의 자문도 받지 않고 검찰에 속죄하기로 결정했다.그 속죄의 고리가 바로 버나드 였다. 자신과 버나드가 공모해 회계 부정을 저질렀다고 시인하면 자신의 형량은 25년 정도로 줄게 돼 있었기 때문이다. 감옥 생활을 줄이기 위해 자신과 버나드가 2000년 9월 회계 장부를 어떻게 조작했는지를 불었고 그의 자백이 무죄를 주장하던 버나드를 붙잡는 결정적인 단서가 된 것이다. -공모자가 귀뜸하면 감형 미국에서 대형 사건의 수사 과정을 지켜보면 공범의 비행을 고자질한 범인이 죄를 감혐받는 것을 많이 볼 수 있다. 벌금도 대폭 준다. 검찰 입장에서 본다면 범인을 다 잡는게 중요하다고 하지만 형평성의 잣대로 본다면 썩 이해하기 어려운 법 집행이다. 설리반도 그런 절차를 활용해 버나드를 물고 들어가면서 자신의 죄를 감형받게 된 것이다. 의료회사인 헬스사우스의 회계부정을 수사하던 검찰이 라차드 스크루시 회장을 기소할 수 있었던 것도 헬스사우스의 CFO가 결정적인 단서를 제공했기 때문이다. -왜 CFO인가 많은 회계 부정 사건의 한 복판에 반드시 CFO가 연루돼 있다. 그들은 CEO와 결탁해 회계 부정을 주도하는가 하면 범행을 부인하는 CEO의 죄상을 폭로하는 주역이 되기도 한다. 왜 CFO가 사건의 한 복판에 서게 되는가. 그런 질문에 전문가들은 세가지 이유를 든다. 첫째 기업의 재무를 책임지고 있는 경영진으로서 늘 실적 향상의 중압감에 시달린다는 것이다.듀크 대학의 존 그램 교수의 조사에 따르면 4백명의 CFO 중 80%가 좀 더 많은 수익을 내도록 강요당하면서 기업의 실제 경제적 가치를 위장한다는 것이다. 두번째는 재무책임자이지만 실제로 회계 전문가가 아닌 경우가 많다는 것이다. 기업들이 CFO로서 회계사보다는 경영능력이 있는 경영학석사(MBA) 를 선호하기 때문이다. MBA도 회계 공부를 하지만 회계사보다는 회계 전문성이 떨어진다. 그런 비 전문성 때문에 감히 회계 부정을 시도한다는 것이다. 시카고 경영대학원의 로만 웨일 회계학 교수는 “MBA들이 금융공학을 공부하지만 그것은 회계가 아니다”며 “회계를 모르는 CFO가 적지 않다”고 말했다.회계부정을 저지른 아델피아의 CFO 티모시 리가스나 엔론의 CFO 앤드류 파스토우도 회계사가 아닌 MBA 였다. 세번째는 CEO들이 회사내 중요 정보를 철저히 통제하면서 CFO 하고만 비밀 정보를 공유한다는 것이다.CEO가 사기 행각이 적발되지 않도록 기업내 정보 교류를 차단하지만 CFO에게는 힌트를 줄 수 밖에 없으며 그로인해 기업 스캔들이 발생하면 으레 CFO가 연루된다는 것이다. 월드컴의 전 CEO 버나드는 3월3일 뉴욕에서 연방수사국(FBI) 요원에 의해 팔목에 수갑이 채인채 끌려갔다.그는 부인과 공동 소유한 집 까지 잡히고 1천만 달러의 보석금을 낸 후 일단 풀려났지만 감옥행은 얼마 남지 않은 것 같다. 그가 아무리 범행을 부인해도 범행을 공모했던 심복의 자백이 명백한 단서가 되기 때문이다. 통신 황제의 몰락은 부패한 일부 미국 기업들의 현 주소를 적나라하게 보여주고 있다.

옛날옛적, 한 남자가 어느 마을에 나타나 마을사람들에게 말했습니다.
 
「원숭이 한마리당 1000엔에 사겠습니다」라고.

그 마을 인근에는 원숭이가 흔했기에 마을 사람들은 곧장 숲으로 원숭이를 잡으러 갔습니다. 마을 사람들이
잡은 몇 천마리나 되는 원숭이를 그 남자는 정확히 1000엔에 구입했습니다. 그러다보니 원숭이 수가 줄어서
사람들은 더이상 원숭이를 잡으러 가지 않았습니다.

남자는 원숭이 한 마리 가격을 2000엔에 사겠다고 발표했습니다. 그 소식을 듣자 사람들은 다시금 원숭이를
잡으러 갔습니다.

그러나 얼마 후 원숭이 수는 더욱 줄어들었고, 사람들은 원숭이 사냥을 그만두었습니다. 남자는 이제 2500엔
까지 가격을 올렸습니다. 하지만 이미 원숭이 수는 격감한 상태였기 때문에 잡기는 커녕 찾기도 힘들어진 상
태였습니다. 드디어 남자는 5000엔까지 올렸습니다.

하지만 남자도 이제는 비지니스를 위해서 다른 마을에 잠시 다녀와야했고, 그의 조수가 대신 원숭이를 사들
이게 되었습니다.

남자가 부재 중, 그 조수는 마을 사람들에게 말했습니다.

「지금까지 그가 모아 온 이 많은 원숭이를, 당신들에게 몰래 3500엔으로 팔테니까, 내일 그가 돌아오면,
   이 원숭이를 5000엔에 다시 되파세요」
 
마을사람들은 조수의 마음 씀씀이에 감사해하며 모두들 원숭이를 한마리당 3500엔의 가격으로 사들였습니다.
그러나 그 후, 마을사람들은 더이상 남자도, 그 조수도 두번 다시 볼 수 없었고 그저 원숭이들만 남았을 뿐이었
습니다.



이제 주식 시장에 대해 조금은 감이 옵니까?

USB 메모리에서 CD 영역 생성관련 2008-02-12 싸나이

** 본 게시글은 최초 초보자코너에 있었는데... 아무리 생각해도 초보자코너와 적합하지 않아 이쪽으로 옮깁니다.

질문 1. : USB 메모리 자동실행과 관련해서 ( http://usboffice.ohpy.com/145564/10 ) USB 메모리에 CD 영역을 만들
수 있다는데 이게 무슨 말인가요?

답변 1. : 다 아시는 바와같이 USB 메모리를 PC 에 연결하면 기본적으로 "이동식 디스크" 로 인식이 되어집니다. 그런데 어떤 USB
메모리는 PC 에 연결하였을때 "CD Rom" 과 "이동식 디스크" 두개의 드라이브로 인식을 합니다.

질문 2. : 신기하네요. USB 메모리 하나를 연결하였는데~ "CD Rom 과 이동식 디스크 드라이브 두대로 인식되다니요~
신기하긴 한데 USB 메모리에 CD 영역이 있으면 뭐가 좋은가요?

답변 2. : 좋은 질문입니다. USB 메모리에 CD 영역이 있으면 크게 두가지 장점이 있습니다.

1. 마우스 클릭없이 "autorun.inf" 라는 파일의 설정을 통하여 임의의 프로그램을 자동 실행할 수 있습니다. USB 메모리가 이동식
디스크로 되어있을때는 "autorun.inf" 를 설정하더라도 자동실행되지 않고 자동 실행선택 메뉴가 떠서 사용자가 최소한 마우스를 한
번은 클릭해야만 프로그램이 실행됩니다.

2. CD 영역을 통하여 컴퓨터 부팅을 할 수 있습니다. CD 영역에 윈도우 xp 설치 CD 를 넣어놓고 USB 를 연결하면 윈도우 설치
CD 를 넣은것과 똑같이 됩니다. 물론 부팅하여 완전히 운영체제를 설치할 수도 있습니다. ( 메인보드에서 해당 기능을 지원해야함 )




질문 3. : 음..... 말씀하신것 처럼 완전 자동실행이 된다면~ 이런 저런 응용을 많이 할수 있겠군요. 잘은 모르겠지만~ 상상
해보니까 USB 연결하자 마자 자동으로 보안 프로그램을 실행한다던지 해서 내 USB 메모리를 안전하게 만들 수도
있겠네요. 부팅 CD 역할을 할 수도 있다고 하니까 매우 좋아보입니다.

답변 3. : 맞습니다. 자동실행하면 편리한 부분들이 많이 있습니다.




질문 4. : 그럼 USB 메모리에 CD 영역을 만들려면 어떻게 해야 합니까?

답변 4. : 그 질문에 답변 드리기 위해서 먼저 USB 메모리의 구성에 대해서 아셔야 하는데요~ USB 메모리 내부는 크게 두개의 부품으
로 나뉘어 집니다. 하나는 USB 컨트롤러 ( controller ) 이고 나머지는 플래시 메모리 부분 입니다. USB 컨트롤러는 USB
메모리를 운영체제에 인식시키고 메모리의 파일 입출력을 관리하는 역할을 하는 장치이며 플래시 메모리는 실제 파일이 기록
되고 저장되는 공간을 말합니다.

CD 영역을 만드는데 있어서 중요한건 USB 컨트롤러 인데요~ 이것의 드라이버를 변경하여 일반 USB 메모리 제품에 CD 영역
을 만들 수 있습니다. USB 컨트롤러의 종류에 따라서 CD 영역을 만드는 방법이 다릅니다.




질문 5. : 아~ USB 컨트롤러를 이용하여 CD 영역을 만드는군요. 그런데 ~ 컨트롤러의 종류에 따라서 전부 다르다고
하셨는데 대체로 어떤 종류의 컨트롤러가 있나요~

답변 5. : 아 ~ 이미 초보의 레벨을 넘어선 질문입니다. 그래도 일단 질문을 하셨으니 답변을 드릴께요. usb 컨트롤러는 세계 여러 회사
에서 만들고 있습니다. 그 종류는 대략 이렇습니다.

USBEST CONTROLLER, SMI CONTROLLER, OTI CONTROLLER, CHIPBANK CONTROLLER, PROLIFIC CONTROLLER,

PHISON CONTROLLER, Skymedi ....

질문 6. : 음....이렇게 많은 컨트롤러 종류가 있었군요. 그런데 이들 컨트롤러마다 CD 영역 만드는게 전부 다르다구요?

답변 6. : 네~~~ CD 영역을 만들때는 각 컨트롤러 제조사에서 제공하는 프로그램을 사용해야 하는데 ~ 이 프로그램들이 사용법이 전
부 제 각각입니다.



질문 7. : 그렇다면 먼저 제가 가지고 있는 USB 메모리에 사용된 컨트롤러가 뭔지 알아야 하고~ 그 다음에 에에 맞는 CD
영역을 만드는 프로그램이 있어야만 CD 영역을 만들 수 있겠군요. 그럼 제 USB 메모리의 컨트롤러가 어떤건지
어떻게 알고 또 CD 영역을 만드는 프로그램은 어디서 구하나요?

답변 7. : 자신의 USB 에 사용된 컨트롤러를 알아보기 위해서는 VPID checker 프로그램을 사용하세요. 프로그램을 실행하여 자신의
USB 메모리를 선택하면 아래에 PID 가 보여집니다.

이 PID 를 보고 어떤 컨트롤러인지 판단할 수 있습니다. AutoRun 결과가 'Yes' 또는 'No' 는 신경쓰지 마세요~

1. USBEST CONTROLLER : PID가 0x0163 ( CD 영역 생성 툴 : http://www.selfic.net/data/Eraser_b01.zip )

2. SMI CONTROLLER : PID가 0x1000 ( CD 영역 생성 툴 : http://www.selfic.net/data/util-eraser-turbo2.zip )

3. OTI CONTROLLER : PID가 0x2168 ( CD 영역 생성 툴 : http://www.shinoh.co.kr/download/PT/PT.zip )

4. Skymedi CONTROLLER : PID 가 0x1603 ( CD 영역 생성툴 : http://www.zyrus.co.kr/new/mini/util/miniswing_mfc.exe )

* 이 CD 영역 생성 툴들은 인터넷 상에서 공개되어 있으나 라이센스관련하여 정확하게 알려진바가 없으므로 링크만 올립니다.

위 3가지의 값이 나오면 컨트롤러를 알 수 있고 이에 따른 CD 영역 생성툴을 구할 수 있습니다. 만약, PID 가 전혀 다른값이 나왔다면 위 4가지 이외의 컨트롤러인데요. 알려진 CD 영역툴이 공개되어 있지 않습니다. 그리고 위 4가지 컨트롤러는 USB 메모리 제조사에서 가장 많이 사용하는 컨트롤러들 이므로 추측컨데 6~70 % 이상의 USB 메모리는 CD 영역을 생성 할 수 있을겁니다.



질문 8. : 야~ 그럼 이제 내 USB 메모리의 PID 를 확인하고 그에 맞는 CD 영역 생성 툴만 있으면 CD 영역만들기가 가능
하겠군요. 위 프로그램의 사용법은 어떻게 되나요?

답변 8. : 위 프로그램들은 사용하기가 그렇게 쉽지만은 않습니다. 위 프로그램을 사용하다보면 예기치 못한 문제들이 생길 수도 있습
니다. 이 모든건 본인이 위험을 감수하고 작업하셔야 합니다. 자칫하다가는 USB 를 날려먹을(?) 수도 있습니다. 실제 소프트웨
어 사용방법은 "usb 활용 강좌&팁 " 코너에서 설명하도록 합니다.


주의 : CD 영역만들기 시도는 USB 메모리의 고장이나 비정상적 동작을 초래할수도 있습니다. 이와 관련하여 충분한 내용숙지와 각오(?)가 없으시다면 CD 영역생성은 시도하지 마세요!!!

util-eraser-swing,slide,multi.zip

http://usboffice.ohpy.com/146352/1

USB 메모리의 VID / PID 를 조회할 수있는 프로그램 입니다.

VID 와 PID 를 알면 USB 컨트롤러 IC 의 제조사를 알 수 있고~ 이를 앎으로 인해서  USB 메모리의 일정영역을 CD 롬 영역으로 지정 할 수 있는지 없는지 확인할 수 있습니다

INTERNATIONAL PRICE COMPARISON

Official statistics from the Department of Industry Tourism & Resources (Australian Petroleum Statistics) and the International Energy Agency (IEA) show that Australia has among the lowest petrol and diesel prices of all OECD countries. The charts below show the price of petrol and diesel in Australia compared to other countries ?on both a pre-tax and post-tax basis.

Petrol Prices and Taxes in OECD Countries March Quarter 2007

Diesel Prices and Taxes in OECD Countries March Quarter 2007

Source: Australian Petroleum Statistics, Department of Industry, Tourism and Resources.

TOMICA初體驗：維尼80周年紀念+宮崎駿限定

日本銀行は、本日、政策委員会・金融政策決定会合において、次回金融政策決定
会合までの金融市場調節方針を、以下のとおりとすることを決定した（賛成８反対１（注））。
無担保コールレート（オーバーナイト物）を、０．５％前後で推移するよう促す。

以 上

（注） 賛成：福井委員、武藤委員、岩田委員、須田委員、西村委員、野田委員、中村委員、亀崎委員反対：水野委員

인천공항 여객터미널 재배치 2007/08/07 09:54 http://blog.naver.com/aircustoms/130020939133